christianity and genocide in rwanda pdf

Christianity And Genocide In Rwanda Pdf

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Rwanda is a small country in central east Africa.

Christian gacaca and Official gacaca in Post-genocide Rwanda. In October , a think tank of the Rwandan state proposed the establishment of gacaca jurisdictions - popular courts charged with judging the people involved in the genocide against the Tutsi.

Religion and Genocide: A Historiographical Survey

Christian gacaca and Official gacaca in Post-genocide Rwanda. In October , a think tank of the Rwandan state proposed the establishment of gacaca jurisdictions - popular courts charged with judging the people involved in the genocide against the Tutsi. Lesser known is the Christian gacaca, a conflict resolution mechanism, also inspired by the traditional gacaca, which was established during the same period by the Catholic Church of Rwanda as part of the synodal process leading to the celebration of the Year Jubilee.

This essay describes, on the basis of archival documents and oral testimonies, the genesis of the Christian gacaca and examines how it related to the official gacaca. This pastoral initiative contributed to a relaxation of the tension between church and state that had marked the immediate aftermath of the genocide.

The aim of the Christian gacaca was to bring about reconciliation in communities divided by the genocide, by bringing together victims and perpetrators. The task of the official gacaca was to judge and, if the guilt was established, to punish the authors of the genocide crimes. It was also, like in the Christian gacaca, to restore social harmony, but only through a judicial process. A considerable amount of scholarship has been dedicated to the gacaca courts, an innovative community-based jurisdiction charged with judging, throughout Rwanda, the people involved in the genocide against the Tutsi eg.

The first studies elaborated on the hope that this novel form of transitional justice represented for a country still deeply traumatized and divided. The latter ones, while recognizing the usefulness of the gacaca process, documented its shortcomings in terms of social cohesion and reconciliation.

When the Rwandan Patriotic Front FPR achieved the conquest of the country in mid-July , bringing an end to the genocide while prompting the exodus of about two million of predominantly Hutu people to Tanzania, Burundi, and Zaire, the judicial system was in tatters.

Revenge killings and arrests on simple denunciation were common. Gradually, the judicial system was restored. Random murders stopped and more people were imprisoned for crimes of genocide, some without documentation.

Soon, more than , people were languishing in overcrowded and poorly managed jails Kimonyo During August , a law was enacted to regulate the prosecution of genocide-related offences through the country's courts of justice, but this measure proved to be insufficient. By June , only individuals had been judged Vandeginste At that pace, it would have taken years to judge them all! It was in this context that the Rwandan government proposed the institution of gacaca courts, which were popular jurisdictions inspired by a traditional form of conflict resolution.

The law establishing the gacaca jurisdictions, was adopted in January and a data collection phase was launched in June , followed by a trial phase in selected sectors.

Nearly , community members were trained as inyangamugayo gacaca judges National Service of Gacaca Courts The trials took place between and Not all suspects appeared before a gacaca court. Among those who did, approximately 60, were freed after having confessed their participation in the genocide Kimonyo Often ignored in the scholarly literature on the gacaca jurisdictions is the fact that, alongside the process leading to the institution of the gacaca jurisdictions by the Rwandan state in , another gacaca process, pioneered by the Catholic Church of Rwanda, the biggest church in the country, took place in the late s.

Also inspired by the traditional gacaca, it is known under the name of Christian gacaca or gacaca Nkristu. To our knowledge, only four authors, Alice Karekezi , Paul Rutayisire , Phil Clark , and Benoit Guillou , respectively Rwandan, Australian, and French, paid attention to this original Christian practice of conflict resolution.

They uncritically adopted the essentialist discourse describing the Hutu as perennial victims and the Tutsi, even those who were poor, as natural oppressors, unwittingly preparing the ground for the ideology of the genocide in When an army of Tutsi refugees attacked Rwanda under the banner of the FPR in October , the Catholic Church rallied around President Habyarimana, only mildly protesting against the massacres of Tutsi civilians perpetrated by the Rwandan army in Kigali, in the western districts, and in the Bugesera in retaliation Gatwa ; Longman Following the shooting down of President Habyarimana's plane on 6 April , the Hutu militia known as Interahamwe, with the active participation of the population and the logistical support of the police, the army, and the local government officials, started to systematically exterminate the Tutsi population, accused of siding with the FPR.

An estimated , mostly Tutsi people, including children, women, and elderly people, were slaughtered in only three months. As late as July , when the FPR finally defeated the interim government's army, the religious leaders, Catholic as well as Protestant, were still reluctant to acknowledge the reality of the genocide, claiming that it was a war between two armies and that their role consisted in providing mediation between the belligerents. Many Hutu priests and religious sisters saved Tutsi lives, but many more remained silent.

Some adhered to the anti-Tutsi hysteria and assisted the killers in an active or passive way Gatwa ; Rutayisire After the genocide, when decomposed bodies were still lying around, part of the clergy and the faithful recognized their collective responsibility in the disaster, made plans to reconstruct the church on a new basis, and created spaces for a conversation between survivors and perpetrators or their families.

Another part of the church, among missionaries, in the refugee camps in Zaire and in the Roman delegation in particular, continued to deny or minimize the genocide against the Tutsi, putting all the blame on the FPR. They used the fact, attested though not well documented and in some instances exaggerated, that, in the aftermath of the genocide, war crimes had been perpetrated against Hutu civilians by the Tutsi-led army, to develop the theory of a 'double genocide' Denis The relations between the new Rwandan government and the Catholic Church, or at least the sections of the church opposed to the FPR, became strained as a result.

It was against this background that some Catholics imagined to promote the revival of the traditional gacaca in the interest of reconciliation. This initiative, alongside other forms of support to the reconstruction of the country, contributed to a reduction of the tension between the Catholic Church and the Rwandan state in the late s. It shows that both institutions developed in parallel and influenced each other until the official gacaca took a legal form and started to be put in place.

The promoters of the Christian gacaca supported the establishment of gacaca jurisdictions by the state, while highlighting after a while their shortcomings and their limitations. Restoring the traditional gacaca. By the time the genocide broke out in April , the gacaca already existed in Rwanda but, as Rwandan lawyer Charles Ntampaka pointed out, it had already evolved.

The term ' gacaca' means grass in Kinyarwanda. Traditionally, the gacaca was an informal and temporary open-air procedure of conflict resolution between members of the same lineage or of different lineages. All the male members of the concerned community were present. The aim of the process was reconciliation.

There was no reference to a code of law. Only petty crimes and property issues were debated, not blood crimes. Similar conflict resolution mechanisms existed under different names in other African countries, including South Africa Ntampaka The gacaca that Belgian political scientist, Filip Reyntjens, describes in a article on the basis of fieldwork conducted in the Butare area in the late s, was already a transformed gacaca.

It was an institution used by the families and the local authorities to arbitrate minor conflicts before referring them to a higher court if no agreement could be reached. The district tribunal served as appeal court Reyntjens By contrast, the traditional gacaca had nothing to do with a centralized state-sponsored judicial system. The first to envisage the possibility of resorting to the traditional gacaca in dealing with genocide crimes was Tito Rutaremara, one of the founders of the FPR and its president from to A member of the Rwandese Alliance for National Unity, a movement of Tutsi refugees established in Nairobi in that had morphed during December into the more radical and effective FPR, he had been exposed, during a stay in Paris, to the Marxist concept of popular insurgency as practiced, for example, in Latin America Kimonyo This made him believe that popular courts could play a role in the situation Rwanda was experiencing after the genocide.

When Pasteur Bizimungu, the president of the FPR, asked him to find a way of dealing with the perpetrators of the genocide as he explained to the American scholar, Jens Meierheinrich, in an interview , he suggested the restoration of the gacaca Meierheinrich At his instigation, the action plan of the Ministry of Justice, which was adopted on 20 August , recommended in its article 13 to 'restore the institution of the agacaca for the peaceful settlement of conflicts' Vandeginste ; cf.

Ntampaka These discussions took place at Urugwiro Village, the president's residence in Kigali. At one of the meetings, Jyoni wa Karega, an intellectual who had fled to Zaire in the s at the time of the anti-Tutsi pogroms and become a professor of history there before returning to Rwanda after the genocide, was asked to collect documentation on the traditional gacaca.

He had just been appointed dean of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Butare, which was in the process of reconstructing itself after the loss of lives and property endured during the genocide wa Karega The dean and the priest. His first task was to constitute a research team. He approached four university colleagues, Deogratias Byanafashe, Aloys Muberanziza, Jean-Chrysostome Munymapirwa, and Jean-Chrysostome Njehabahizi, two members of the Scientific and Technological Research Institute, Philbert Kagabo and Ladislas Twahirwa, as well as Smaragde Mbonyintege, a professor of theology at the Catholic Major Seminary of Nyakibanda, who was appointed rector of the seminary a year later and bishop of Kabgayi in Nyakibanda was a short distance from Butare.

The dean and the rector, both men of letters, used to socialize in the university town wa Karega Mbonyintege was released from his teaching duties to dedicate himself to the project. He used seminary students as research assistants Mbonyintege This is how, at a critical moment of Rwanda's history, a partnership was established between the National University of Rwanda in Butare, an institution with close links to the new Rwandan government, and the Major Seminary of Nyakibanda.

All team members were tasked to investigate a certain sector, including Mbonyintege who conducted research in the area close to the seminary.

Jyoni wa Karega and his colleagues presented the preliminary results of the research at a meeting held in Kigali on 13 July The report of the first phase was published in January and that of the second phase in June of the same year Gacaca a; Gacaca b. Tito Rutaremara attended the presentation of the final report. According to Mbonyintege, he engaged vigorously but sympathetically with the findings of the study Mbonyintege By then, the Rwandan government had not yet decided to initiate a gacaca process in the country, but the idea was in the air.

In November , Philbert Kagabo, a member of wa Karega's team, had introduced the idea of the gacaca at the International Genocide Conference in Kigali. Four priests, including Mbonyintege, were among the attendees.

The agreement was that the genocide perpetrators could not simply receive amnesty, as in South Africa, for example. New forms of retribution had to be found. The conference resolved that 'in cases not involving crime against the person, customary Rwandan procedures such as the AGACACA [should] be used, or adapted, to the extent possible' Recommendations art. Schabas ; Bornkamm The research report of wa Karega and his colleagues revealed that, in the aftermath of the genocide, the gacaca method of conflict resolution had already been experimented with or at least proposed in various parts of the country.

Philbert Kagabo, for example, described how a Conseil des Sages Wisemen Council had been instituted in Kigombe, in the Ruhengeri prefecture, to deal with land disputes and marital conflicts Gacaca a The report of the second phase of the project showed that various forms of gacaca, with or without links to the local authorities and the tribunals, had been mooted in the Kigali, Butare, Gitarama, Nyamata, Kibungo, Gikongoro, Cyangugu, and Byumba areas Gacaca b.

In all these places the informants, whether private citizens or public officials, had some knowledge of the traditional gacaca. Mbonyintege's summary report, which was included in the report of the first phase of the project, discussed 'the role that Gacaca could play in the reconciliation of Rwandans' Mbonyintege He noted that the traditional gacaca facilitated reconciliation but did not allow impunity.

He added that the current context made things difficult because the different individuals and factions developed an understanding of peace and reconciliation that fitted their particular interests.

It was the task of the tribunals, and not of the gacaca, to judge the murders, rapes, and thefts committed during the genocide. Where the gacaca could help, was in establishing the truth and promoting the true values on which society could reconstruct itself.

It did not help to put the Hutu on one side and the Tutsi on the other side. One should rather associate them in the task of reconstruction Gacaca b The Year Jubilee. The ideas expressed in this report found expression, three years later, in the Christian gacaca conducted in various sectors of the Catholic Church of Rwanda during the synodal process leading to the celebration of the Year Jubilee.

Mbonyintege actively contributed to the popularization of the concept of gacaca in ecclesiastical circles.

Genocide in Rwanda and Burundi

The country collapsed into chaos, and violence escalated into the genocide of one million people among members of the Tutsi ethnic group and moderate components of the Hutu ethnic majority in the country. As a consequence, the Church has faced numerous criticisms from diverse fronts, and has been repeatedly blamed of culpability in the violence that occurred during those obscure months Longman, To what degree were Christian Churches involved in the genocide of ? In the years following the genocide, a major denunciation has imputed the Church for its passivity and inaction in the face of the slaughters, committing a sin of omission and lack of action. Whichever reading of history one should adopt, it remains undeniable the role of the Church in the Rwanda massacres was far from a simple phenomenon, but should instead be analysed as the result of a set of intricate dynamics. Peculiarly, in the context of Rwanda, religious convictions did not function as organizers of group identity Longman, The genocide was not pursued on the dividing lines between religious groups, as it happened in other theatres of violence such as Lebanon, India, Sudan, Sri Lanka, or Northern Ireland Ibid.

Although Rwanda is among the most Christian countries in Africa, in the genocide, church buildings became the primary killing grounds. To explain why so many Christians participated in the violence, this book looks at the history of Christian engagement in Rwanda and then turns to a rich body of original national- and local-level research to argue that Rwanda's churches have consistently allied themselves with the state and played ethnic politics. Comparing two local Presbyterian parishes in Kibuye before the genocide demonstrates that progressive forces were seeking to democratize the churches. Just as Hutu politicians used the genocide of Tutsi to assert political power and crush democratic reform, church leaders supported the genocide to secure their own power. The fact that Christianity inspired some Rwandans to oppose the genocide demonstrates that opposition by the churches was possible and might have hindered the violence.

ГЛАВА 52 Клуб Колдун располагался на окраине города, в конце автобусного маршрута 27. Похожий скорее на крепость, чем на танцевальное заведение, он со всех сторон был окружен высокими оштукатуренными стенами с вделанными в них битыми пивными бутылками - своего рода примитивной системой безопасности, не дающей возможности проникнуть в клуб незаконно, не оставив на стене изрядной части собственного тела. Еще в автобусе Беккер смирился с мыслью, что его миссия провалилась. Пора звонить Стратмору и выкладывать плохую новость: поиски зашли в тупик. Он сделал все, что мог, теперь пора ехать домой. Но сейчас, глядя на толпу завсегдатаев, пытающихся попасть в клуб, Беккер не был уверен, что сможет отказаться от дальнейших поисков. Он смотрел на огромную толпу панков, какую ему еще никогда не доводилось видеть.

Publisher: Cambridge University Press; Online publication date: May ; Print publication year: ; Online ISBN: ; DOI.

Christianity and Genocide in Rwanda - Ebook

Прислушавшись к пронзительному звуку генераторов, Сьюзан поняла, что включилось аварийное питание. Сквозь туман она увидела Стратмора, который стоял внизу, на платформе. Прислонившись к перилам, он вглядывался в грохочущее нутро шахты ТРАНСТЕКСТА. - Коммандер! - позвала Сьюзан.

Ролдан сразу решил, что это подстава. Если он скажет да, его подвергнут большому штрафу, да к тому же заставят предоставить одну из лучших сопровождающих полицейскому комиссару на весь уик-энд за здорово живешь. Когда Ролдан заговорил, голос его звучал уже не так любезно, как прежде: - Сэр, это Агентство услуг сопровождения Белен. Могу я поинтересоваться, кто со мной говорит.

Мидж отвернулась.

Желая помочь, Беккер обратил их внимание на то, что все показанные ему иероглифы объединяет нечто общее - они одновременно являются и иероглифами кандзи. В комнате тут же стало тихо. Старший дешифровщик, нескладный тип по имени Морант, не выпускавший сигареты изо рта, недоверчиво уставился на Беккера.

Ежедневно тысячи сообщений и разговоров перехватывались и посылались экспертам АНБ для дешифровки. Разведданные, поставляемые агентством, влияли на процесс принятия решений ФБР, ЦРУ, а также внешнеполитическими советниками правительства США. Беккер был потрясен.

Поэтому он определенно. Бринкерхофф с облегчением вздохнул: - Ну, если он здесь, то нет проблем, верно. Мидж задумалась.

Стеклянная панель обдала его дождем осколков. Дверь повернулась и мгновение спустя выкинула его на асфальт. Беккер увидел ждущее такси. - Dejame entrar! - закричал Беккер, пробуя открыть запертую дверцу машины. Водитель отказался его впустить.

Он отбросил бесполезный мотоцикл и пустился бежать со всех ног. К несчастью для Беккера, вместо неуклюжего такси Халохот обрел под ногами твердую почву. Спокойно подняв пистолет, он выстрелил. Пуля задела Беккера в бок, когда он уже почти обогнул угол здания. Он почувствовал это лишь после того, как сделал пять или шесть шагов.

Халохот, спустившись вниз по улочке, смачно выругался. Сначала от Беккера его отделяла лишь одна супружеская пара, и он надеялся, что они куда-нибудь свернут. Но колокольный звон растекался по улочке, призывая людей выйти из своих домов. Появилась вторая пара, с детьми, и шумно приветствовала соседей.

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